The year was 1957. Inside a small, drafty house in Belgrade, a man sat at a desk that was once too large for a prisoner, but now felt too small for a revolutionary.
His name was Milovan Đilas. Just a few years prior, he had been the Vice-President of Yugoslavia, one of the most powerful men in the communist world, second only to Tito. He had fought the Nazis, survived the Revolution, and helped build the Socialist Federal Republic. He was an architect of the system.
But tonight, he was just a man with a typewriter and a dangerous idea. His latest manuscript, which would soon be smuggled out of the country and published as The New Class (Nova Klasa), lay on the desk. It was an analysis that would get him expelled from the party, stripped of his titles, and thrown into prison.
If you were to download a PDF of The New Class today, you would be reading the words he typed that night—words that dismantled the very ideology he once served.
Đilas grew up believing in the Marxist promise: that the Revolution would sweep away the old inequalities. The aristocracy and the capitalists would be vanquished. In their place, a "dictatorship of the proletariat" would create a classless society where everyone worked for the common good.
But as Đilas climbed the ladder of power, he noticed a troubling pattern. The old aristocrats were gone, yes. The factory owners had been removed. But they hadn't been replaced by "the people."
They had been replaced by him.
He looked at the privileges he and his comrades enjoyed. They didn't own the factories legally, like the capitalists did, but they controlled them. They lived in the best villas, vacationed at exclusive resorts, and shopped in special stores stocked with Western goods that the ordinary worker could never access.
In the PDF you might find online, Đilas describes this phenomenon with brutal clarity. He realized that the Communist Party, in the process of nationalizing property, had not abolished ownership. It had simply transferred total ownership of the economy into its own hands.
Since the book remains under copyright (Djilas died in 1995; the English translation is still protected in many jurisdictions), you can:
In the story of his disillusionment, Đilas coined the term that would make him famous: The New Class. milovan djilas nova klasapdf
He argued that while the system claimed to be a dictatorship of the proletariat, it was actually a dictatorship of the Party bureaucracy. This new class—the party officials, the managers, the police chiefs—derived its power not from capital, but from "collective ownership."
In a capitalist society, a CEO makes money. In the "New Class" society Đilas described, the bureaucrat makes power.
This was the terrifying realization that makes the book so enduring. Đilas wrote that this new class was actually more exploitative than the old bourgeoisie. A capitalist wants profit; a bureaucrat wants total control. To maintain their grip on the "collective property," the New Class had to stifle freedom, censor speech, and eliminate dissent.
Đilas realized that he was no longer a revolutionary fighting for the worker. He was a member of a new elite, enjoying the fruits of other people's labor while preaching equality.
The New Class: An Analysis of the Communist System (original Serbian title: Nova klasa) is the most famous work by Milovan Djilas, a former high-ranking Yugoslav official who became one of the most prominent dissidents of the Cold War. Summary of the Book
In this 1957 classic, Djilas argues that the communist revolution did not abolish classes as it claimed. Instead, it replaced the old ruling classes with a "New Class" consisting of the party bureaucracy. This group, he contends, maintains absolute control over the state and its economy, enjoying privileges far beyond those of the workers they claim to represent. Accessing the Text
PDF Versions: You can find full-text copies of the book for study on platforms like Archive.org and Scribd.
Editions: Modern editions, such as the 2023 release by Fokalizator, continue to be published in Serbian/Montenegrin. About the Author
Milovan Djilas was once a vice-president of Yugoslavia and a close aide to Josip Broz Tito. His public criticism of the regime led to his expulsion from the Communist Party in 1954 and several subsequent imprisonments. The New Class was smuggled out of Yugoslavia and published in the West, leading to international acclaim and further legal trouble for Djilas at home. The New Class
Essay Title: The Heretic’s Blueprint: Milovan Djilas and the Critique of Bureaucratic Privilege The year was 1957
Milovan Djilas occupies a unique and tragic position in the history of political thought: he was the maker of a revolution who became its most penetrating critic. A close comrade of Josip Broz Tito and a key figure in the Yugoslav Partisan struggle against fascism, Djilas rose to the highest echelons of Communist power only to be imprisoned by the regime he helped build. His seminal work, The New Class: An Analysis of the Communist System (1957), written from prison, is not merely a memoir of disillusionment but a structural critique that fundamentally challenged the socialist project. In it, Djilas argues that the revolution had been hijacked, not by a return to capitalism, but by the creation of a new form of exploitative class: the political bureaucracy.
The central thesis of The New Class is deceptively simple yet profoundly radical. Orthodox Marxism posited a binary historical struggle between the bourgeoisie (owners of capital) and the proletariat (workers). Following the abolition of private property, Marx predicted a “withering away of the state” and the emergence of a classless society. Djilas, drawing on his experience inside the Kremlin’s sphere of influence, observed the opposite: the state did not wither; it grew into a monstrous, omnipotent organism. He argued that in communist systems, the means of production are nominally owned by the public, but real control—the power to allocate resources, determine wages, and dictate policy—is monopolized by a small group of party officials and state administrators.
This group, according to Djilas, constitutes a “new class.” Its ownership is not legal but political. Their capital is not money but privilege, access, and control. They secure their position not through inheritance of land or factories, but through party membership, ideological loyalty, and command over the bureaucratic apparatus. Djilas writes that “ownership is nothing more than the right to profit from something,” and under communism, the bureaucracy exclusively possesses this right. They live in better apartments, drive state-issued cars, send their children to elite schools, and enjoy food and goods unavailable to the ordinary worker—all under the guise of serving the people.
What makes The New Class so devastating is its rejection of the communist regime’s own justification: that it represents a “dictatorship of the proletariat.” Djilas turns this phrase on its head, arguing that the reality is a “dictatorship over the proletariat.” The revolution, he claims, was carried out in the name of the working class, but the result was the subjugation of the working class to a new master. The communist revolution is thus the first revolution in history where the oppressed class (the peasantry and proletariat) succeeded in overthrowing the old order only to see the fruits of victory stolen by a revolutionary elite that then became a new oppressor.
Djilas distinguishes this “new class” from the old bourgeoisie in several critical ways. First, the old bourgeoisie justified its power through economic productivity and market competition; the new class justifies itself through ideology and monopoly power. Second, the old bourgeoisie could be entered through wealth creation; the new class can only be entered through political co-optation by the party. Third, the old bourgeoisie, for all its faults, eventually allowed for legal opposition and private spheres of life; the new class demands total ideological conformity, erasing the line between public duty and private thought. In Djilas’s view, the communist bureaucracy is more totalitarian than any capitalist ruling class because it tolerates no independent centers of power—no independent unions, courts, or media.
The implications of this thesis are far-reaching. Djilas predicted that the Soviet Union and its satellites were not moving toward a classless utopia but toward a stable, exploitative system of “state capitalism” or “bureaucratic feudalism.” He argued that this system would not collapse from economic inefficiency alone, because the new class would use police power to maintain its privileges. Instead, he believed change could only come from two sources: a revolt of the intellectuals (who see the hypocrisy most clearly) or a war between communist states (as bureaucratic interests clash). The latter proved eerily prescient in light of the Sino-Soviet split, while the former was realized in the Hungarian Revolution of 1956—which was occurring as Djilas wrote.
However, The New Class is not without its limitations. Critics from the left, such as C. Wright Mills, admired Djilas’s courage but noted that he remained a “Leninist without a party”—he still believed in the socialist ideal, just not its Stalinist perversion. More substantive critiques argue that Djilas overgeneralizes from the Yugoslav and Soviet cases. He treats the “new class” as a monolith, ignoring internal divisions, elite competition, and the genuine, if limited, welfare gains that communist regimes provided in education, healthcare, and industrialization. Furthermore, the book offers little practical strategy for overcoming the new class beyond a vague hope for democratic socialism.
Nevertheless, the historical resonance of The New Class is undeniable. It provided a vocabulary for anti-communist dissidents throughout the Cold War, offering an explanation for why life under “actually existing socialism” felt so oppressive. It anticipated the concept of the nomenklatura—the Soviet list of privileged managerial posts. It influenced later theories of “bureaucratic collectivism” and even modern analyses of how political elites in non-democratic states capture national resources. When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, many observers noted that the new class simply transformed into a new capitalist class, selling state assets to themselves—a transition Djilas would have recognized instantly.
In conclusion, The New Class endures not as a perfect economic treatise, but as a work of moral and political prophecy. Milovan Djilas had the rare courage to look at the system he loved and see its monstrous reflection. He showed that power does not vanish with the abolition of private property; it merely changes clothes. The bureaucracy, in its drab gray suits and party credentials, became the new aristocracy. While the world has moved beyond the bipolar Cold War of Djilas’s era, his central insight remains painfully relevant: wherever a ruling group seizes control of the state apparatus and uses public ownership for private privilege, a “new class” is born. The essay is a warning, written in blood and ink, that the dream of equality is perpetually threatened by the bureaucratic will to rule.
Milovan Đilas and "The New Class": A Definitive Analysis Milovan Đilas’s The New Class: An Analysis of the Communist System (often searched as nova klasa pdf) remains one of the most influential political critiques of the 20th century. Published in 1957, the book exposed the internal contradictions of communist regimes from the perspective of a high-ranking insider. The Core Thesis: The Emergence of the Bureaucratic Elite In the story of his disillusionment, Đilas coined
The central argument of the book is that communist revolutions, despite their egalitarian promises, did not eliminate class distinctions. Instead, they replaced the old capitalist and land-owning classes with a "New Class" consisting of political bureaucrats, party functionaries, and technocrats.
Ownership Through Power: This new class does not "own" property in the traditional sense of private deeds. Instead, they exercise collective ownership by controlling the state apparatus, which manages and disposes of all nationalized property.
Monopoly of Power: Đilas argues that this elite maintains a triple monopoly: political, economic, and ideological.
Exploitation: The bureaucratic elite seizes the "lion's share" of economic progress achieved through the sacrifices of workers and peasants. Historical Context: From Comrade to Dissident
Milovan Đilas was once the right-hand man to Josip Broz Tito and a key architect of the Yugoslav communist state. His transition to dissent was gradual: SUMMARY OF THE NEW CLASS - by Milovan Djilas - CIA
Milovan Đilas and "The New Class": A Revolutionary Critique of Revolution When Milovan Đilas (also spelled Djilas) published his seminal work, The New Class: An Analysis of the Communist System
(Serbo-Croatian: Nova Klasa) in 1957, it sent shockwaves through both the Western and Communist worlds. Written while the author was imprisoned in Yugoslavia for his dissenting views, the book remains one of the most profound "inside jobs" in political theory. 1. The Core Thesis: A Paradox of Power
Đilas, a former high-ranking Yugoslav official and a key aide to Josip Broz Tito, argued that Communist revolutions did not actually create a classless society. Instead, they replaced traditional capitalists with a "New Class" of political bureaucrats and party functionaries.
Collective Ownership as Private Profit: While property was "nationalized" in name, this new elite controlled and disposed of it for their own benefit, effectively acting as its owners.
A Monopoly on Life: Unlike previous ruling classes that held partial power (e.g., economic or political), this New Class exercised a total monopoly over the political, economic, and ideological spheres.
Betrayal of Ideals: Đilas observed that those who were once selfless heroes ready to die for the people often became "characterless wretches" willing to sacrifice everything to maintain their place in the hierarchy. SUMMARY OF THE NEW CLASS - by Milovan Djilas - CIA